Casualties of Iraq War

A US Navy (USN) Hospital Corpsman assigned to ...
  
Casualties of the conflict in Iraq since 2003 (beginning with the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and continuing with the ensuing occupation of Iraq, as well as the activities of the various armed groups operating in the country) have come in many forms, and the accuracy of the information available on different types of Iraq War casualties varies greatly.
The table below summarizes various estimates of the Iraqi casualty figures.
 
For troops in the U.S.-led multinational coalition, the death toll is carefully tracked and updated daily, and the names and photographs of those killed in action as well as in accidents have been published widely. A total of 4,486 U.S. soldiers were killed in Iraq between 2003 and 2012.[9] Regarding the Iraqis, however, information on both military and civilian casualties is both less precise and less consistent. Estimates of casualty levels are available from reporters on the scene, from officials of involved organizations, and from groups that summarize information on incidents reported in the news media.
 
The word “casualties” in its most general sense includes the injured as well as the dead. Accounts of the number of coalition wounded vary widely, partly because it is not obvious what should be counted: should only those injuries serious enough to put a soldier out of commission be included? Do illnesses or injuries caused by accidents count, or should the focus be restricted to wounds caused by hostile engagement? Sources using different definitions may arrive at very different numbers, and sometimes the precise definition is not clearly specified.
 
Iraqi invasion casualties
In March 2002 – before the Iraq War – at a news conference at Bagram Air Base, Afghanistan, U.S. General Tommy Franks had said, “we don’t do body counts.”[75][76]
Franks reportedly estimated soon after the invasion that there had been 30,000 Iraqi casualties as of April 9, 2003.[77] That number comes from the transcript of an October 2003 interview of U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld with journalist Bob Woodward. They were discussing a number reported by The Washington Post.[when?] But neither could remember the number clearly, nor whether it was just for deaths, or both deaths and wounded.
 
A May 28, 2003, Guardian article reported “Extrapolating from the death-rates of between 3% and 10% found in the units around Baghdad, one reaches a toll of between 13,500 and 45,000 dead among troops and paramilitaries.[78]
An October 20, 2003, study[79][80] by the Project on Defense Alternatives at Commonwealth Institute in Cambridge, Massachusetts, stated that for March 19, 2003, to April 30, 2003, “Based on the analysis that follows we estimate that the 2003 Iraq war produced between 7,600 and 10,800 Iraqi combatant fatalities.”
The study also stated: “Our analysis of the evidence leads to the conclusion that between 10,800 and 15,100 Iraqis were killed in the war. Of these, between 3,200 and 4,300 were noncombatants – that is: civilians who did not take up arms.”
 
The study explained that to arrive at these numbers, they had adjusted the underlying incident reports from the field by reducing each count by anywhere from 20% to 60%, based on their own reliability assessments, in order to “control for casualty inflation – a prevalent form of bias.”
The study author Carl Conetta reported: “All told, more than 40,000 Iraqis were killed or injured,”
The Iraq Body Count project (IBC) documented a higher number of civilian deaths up to the end of the major combat phase (May 1, 2003). In a 2005 report,[81] using updated information, the IBC reported that 7,299 civilians are documented to have been killed, primarily by U.S. air and ground forces. There were 17,338 civilian injuries inflicted up to May 1, 2003. The IBC says its figures are probably underestimates because: “many deaths will probably go unreported or unrecorded by officials and media.”[17]

  Iraqi civilian casualties

 
Estimates of Iraqi civilian casualties are highly disputed, and few sources have attempted to measure civilian casualties in Iraq.[82][83] Various estimates are discussed below, and elsewhere in this article. See also the section on total Iraqi casualties.

 Iraq Body Count project

An independent UK/US group, the IBC project compiles reported Iraqi civilian deaths resulting from the invasion and occupation, including those caused directly by coalition military action, the Iraqi insurgency, and those resulting from excess crime. The IBC maintains that the occupying authority has a responsibility to prevent these deaths under international law.
The Iraq Body Count project (IBC project), incorporating subsequent reports, has reported that by the end of the major combat phase up to April 30, 2003, 7,419 civilians had been killed, primarily by U.S. air-and-ground forces.[16][81]
It shows a total range of at least 110,591 to 120,816 civilian deaths in the whole conflict as of December 12, 2012.[16][84]
 
This total represents civilian deaths due to war-related violence that have been reported by media organizations, non-governmental-organization-based reports, and official records.[17] The IBC project has been criticized by some who believe it counts only a small percentage of the number of actual deaths because of its reliance on media sources.[28][85] The IBC project’s director, John Sloboda, has stated, “We’ve always said our work is an undercount, you can’t possibly expect that a media-based analysis will get all the deaths.”[86] However, the IBC project rejects many of these criticisms as exaggerated or misinformed.[87]
 
 
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Foreign intervention in Mali

English: Bareina, a small desert village in th...
 
According to the current news, French forces have entered Mali to assist Mali government against rebel forces who are advancing towards the capital. Now French aircrafts are targeting possible rebel targets outside the capital. War has intensified and people are migrating to neighboring Mauritania for safety and shelter. Mali is a poor country and due to escalating war people are finding it hard to provide daily necessities to their families. Every war brings casualties; the French lost its first combat soldier after the start of the war. A French secret agent also lost his life in Somalia after a failed rescue operation conducted by French especial forces in Somalia.
 
Although the French president has assured that his forces would complete combat mission within a weeks but ground realities are different. Reality is that recent experience in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan wars proved that instead of solving problems and bring stability, foreign intervention makes things worse in these countries. Air strikes have killed innocent people and foreign intervention provides more opportunity to rebel forces to use for their propaganda purpose and hire more recruits to carry out their agenda.
KHAWAJA UMER FAROOQ,
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US Credit Rating

September 11, 2001 attacks in New York City: V...
 
For the first time in history the United States lost its credit rating from AAA to AA+ and now fear is growing that it will affect major economies around the world. Several European economies are passing through worst stage of their history. Greece, Spain and Ireland are worst affected. Further closure of Business, shops, Banks, raising number of unemployed people and daily agitations in front of government institutions now becoming routine in even modern countries.

China again warns that dollar is losing its credibility around the world and falling dollar has become constant threat for present world economy. Due to falling dollar Gold and Oil prices raising every day and things are going bad to worse for ordinary people and some of them rightly believe that both war in Iraq and Afghanistan are eating US economy slowly and steadily. US is spending millions of dollars against unseen enemies in different parts of the world but things are going bad to worse everywhere. In deadliest single incident for American forces in the decade-long war A military helicopter was also shot down in eastern Afghanistan and killing 31 US special operation troops, most of them from the special forces unit that killed Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.

After ten years of war in Afghanistan end results are horrible for normal US citizens. Afghan war expenditures have reached four hundred thirty two billion dollar and destination is still very far. Now graph of unemployment is raising and many American companies are increasing their operations in Canada due to the poor economic conditions at home and it seems true that world alone super power is following footsteps of former Soviet Union and paying high price for its war adventures in different parts of the world.

 
KHAWAJA UMER FAROOQ
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Peace Agreement Between Turkish Governemnt and PKK

English: Scene from an anti-PKK demonstration ...
                  
The recent peace deal between the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the Turkish government has proven again that war leaves behind nothing but hatred, death and destruction.

Last year, a peace agreement signed between the Phillipine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and another peace agreement between FARC rebels and the Columbian government ended 40 years bloodshed in those nations.

The US is also negotiating with the Taliban after 12 years of useless war in Afghanistan. Recent peace deal and cease fire between PKK rebels and the Turkish government is another big achievement of the Tayyap Ardogan government.

Now, the jailed PKK leader Obdullah has said that the guns must be silent for peace to come to the region.

Ocalan directed all PKK fighters to stop their attacks on Turkish soil and to try to implement a road map for peace. Turkey was faced by terrorist attacks in different parts of the nations and several people lost their lives.

More than 40 thousand people have lost their lives in 30 years of conflicts between the PKK and Turkey.

Turkish forces launched several air strikes in neighboring Iraq to destroy the infrastructure of PKK fighters and to take revenge on PKK attacks, killing several Turkish people. The recent peace deal can bring vital changes to the region and can finish 30 years of conflict between the PKK and the Turkish government.

Khawaja Umer Farooq
Jeddah

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Tariq Aziz

Tariq Aziz
Tariq Aziz 

Tariq Aziz (Arabicطارق عزيز‎ Ṭāriq ʿAzīzMikhail Yuhanna (Syriacܡܝܟܐܝܠ ܝܘܚܢܢ Mīḵāil YōḥānonArabicميخائيل يوحنا‎ Mīḫāʾīl Yūḥannā baptized Manuel Christo; born 28 April 1936) was the Foreign Minister (1983 – 1991) and Deputy Prime Minister (1979 – 2003) of Iraq and a close advisor of former President Saddam Hussein. Their association began in the 1950s when both were activists for the then-banned Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party. He is an ethnic Assyrian but an Arab Nationalist and a member of the Chaldean Catholic Church.
Because of security concerns, Hussein rarely left Iraq, so Aziz would often represent Iraq at high-level diplomatic summits. What the United States wanted, he averred, was not “regime change” in Iraq but rather “region change”. He summed up the Bush Administration‘s reasons for war against Iraq tersely: “oil and Israel.”[1]
Since surrendering to American forces on 24 April 2003, Aziz has been held in prison, first by American forces and subsequently by the Iraqi government. He is currently in prison in Camp Cropper in western Baghdad.[2] He was acquitted of some charges on 1 March 2009 following a trial, but was sentenced to 15 years on 11 March 2009 for the executions of 42 merchants found guilty of profiteering in 1992 and another 7 years for relocating Kurds.[3] On 26 October 2010, he was sentenced to death by the Iraqi High Tribunal, and this has sparked regional and international condemnation from Iraqi bishops and other Iraqis, the Vatican, the United Nations, the European Union and the human rights organization Amnesty International, as well as various governments around the world, such as Russia.[4] On 28 October 2010, it was reported that Tariq Aziz, as well as 25 fellow prison inmates, had begun a hunger strike to protest the fact that they could not receive their once-monthly visit from friends and relatives, which was normally set for the last Friday of each month.[5]
On 17 November 2010, it was reported that Iraqi President Jalal Talabani declared that he would not sign Aziz’s execution order.[6]

Early life and education

Aziz was born on 28 April 1936 in Tel Keppe,[7] to an Assyrian family and is a member of the Chaldean Catholic church. Aziz studied English at Baghdad University, and later worked as a journalist, before joining the Ba’ath Party in 1957. In 1963, he was editor of the newspaper Aj-Jamahir (al-Jamaheer) and al Thawra, the newspaper of the Ba’ath party.[8]
In April 1980 he survived an Iranian-backed assassination attempt carried out by members of the Islamic Dawa Party. In the attack, members of Islamic Dawa Party threw a grenade at Aziz in central Baghdad. The attack killed several people.[9] It was among the casus belli of the Iran–Iraq War.

Family

His son Ziad Aziz lives in Jordan with his wife and four children, and Tariq Aziz’s two sisters. Tariq Aziz’s wife and another son live in Yemen.[10]
He began to rise through the ranks of Iraqi politics after the Ba’ath party came to power in 1968. He served as a member of the Regional Command, the Ba’ath Party’s highest governing organization from 1974 to 1977, and in 1977 became a member of Hussein’s Revolutionary Command Council.
In 1979, Aziz became Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq, and worked as a diplomat to explain Iraq’s policies to the world. In April 1980, Iranian suporters attempted to assassinate senior Iraqi officials, including Aziz. Such attempts were one of the motives of the Iran Iraq war, which began the same year.[11]
When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Tariq Aziz served as the international spokesman in support of the military action. He claimed the invasion was justified because Kuwait’s increased oil production was harming Iraqi oil revenues. He condemned Arab states for “subservience to the United States’ hegemony in the Middle East and their support for punitive sanctions.”[12] On 9 January 1991, Aziz was involved in the Geneva Peace Conference which included the United States Secretary of State, James Baker. The goal of the meeting was to discuss a possible resolution to the occupation of Kuwait.
In 2001 Aziz’s son Ziad was arrested for corruption. In January 1999 Ziad was accused by his former mistress of using the official position of his father (mostly his cars) to facilitate smooth crossing of the Jordanian border with contraband, attempted murder on her husband and family, as well as for corruption involving French and Indonesian companies. He was arrested and sentenced to 22 years in prison. Tariq Aziz resigned from his post but Hussein did not accept his resignation. Ziad was eventually released from prison when Hussein decided that Aziz had paid enough for his mistakes.
On 14 February 2003, Aziz reportedly had an audience with Pope John Paul II and other officials in Vatican City, where, according to a Vaticanstatement, he communicated “the wish of the Iraqi government to co-operate with the international community, notably on disarmament”. The same statement said that the Pope “insisted on the necessity for Iraq to faithfully respect and give concrete commitments to resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, which is the guarantor of international law”.[13]

Detention

He voluntarily surrendered to American forces on 24 April 2003, after negotiations had been mediated by his son.[16] His chief concern at the time was for the welfare of his family. At the time of his surrender, Aziz was ranked number 43 out of 55 in the American list of most-wanted Iraqis despite a belief “he probably would not know answers to questions like where weapons of mass destruction may be hidden and where Saddam Hussein might be.”[16]
Before the war, Aziz claimed he would rather die than be a U.S. prisoner of war: “Do you expect me, after all my history as a militant and as one of the Iraqi leaders, to go to an American prison – to go to Guantanamo? I would rather die”, he told Britain’s ITV.

Defense witness

On 24 May 2006, Aziz testified in Baghdad as a defense witness for Ibrahim Barzan and Mukhabarat employees, claiming that they did not have any role in the 1982 Dujail crackdown. He stated that the arrests were in response to the assassination attempt on Saddam Hussein, which was carried out by the Shiite Dawa Party. “If the head of state comes under attack, the state is required by law to take action. If the suspects are caught with weapons, it’s only natural they should be arrested and put on trial”.[17]
He further testified that the Dujail attack was “part of a series of attacks and assassination attempts by this group, including against me.” He said that in 1980, Dawa Party insurgents threw a grenade at him as he visited a Baghdad university, killing civilians around him. “I’m a victim of a criminal act conducted by this party, which is in power right now. So put it on trial. Its leader was the prime minister and his deputy is the prime minister right now and they killed innocent Iraqis in 1980,” he said.[17] The Dawa Party is now a party in the Shiite coalition that dominates the Iraqi government. The party’s leader, Ibrahim al-Jaafari was prime minister until mid-May, when another leading Dawa Party figure, Nouri al-Maliki was picked and he was able to form a new government before the end of May 2006.[18]
In closing he stated that “Saddam is my colleague and comrade for decades, and Barzan is my brother and my friend and he is not responsible for Dujail’s events.”

Imprisonment

On 29 May 2005, the British newspaper The Observer published letters (in Arabic and English) from Aziz written in April and May 2005, while he was in American custody, addressed to “world public opinion” pleading for international help to end “his dire situation”:[19]
It is imperative that there is intervention into our dire situation and treatment … We hope that you will help us. We have been in prison for a long time and we have been cut from our families. No contacts, no phones, no letters. Even the parcels sent to us by our families are not given to us. We need a fair treatment, a fair investigation and finally a fair trial. Please help us.
— Tariq Aziz[20]
In August 2005, Aziz’s family was allowed to visit him. At the time the location of Aziz’s prison was undisclosed; his family was brought in a bus with blackened out windows.
Due to security reasons he has since been moved to Camp Cropper, part of the huge US base surrounding Baghdad airport.[21] His son said that while his father was in poor health, he was being well treated by prison officials. He can make 30 minutes of telephone calls monthly and has access to US Arabic-language radio and television stations. Every two months his family can send a parcel containing clothes, cigarettes, chocolate, coffee and magazines.[21]
The spiritual leader of Iraq’s Chaldean community, Emmanuel III Delly, called for Aziz’s release in his 2007 Christmas message. Aziz was acquitted of crimes against humanity, and his health conditions demand an immediate release from his prison Camp Cropper.[10]
Aziz is currently in prison in Camp Cropper in western Baghdad.[2] On 17 January 2010 he suffered a stroke and was transferred from prison to hospital.[22] On 5 August 2010, The Guardianreleased his first face-to-face interview since his surrender.[23] On 22 September 2010, documents were released that he had given an interview about how he had told the FBI that the dictator Hussein was “delighted” in the 1998 terrorist bombings of two U.S. embassies in East Africa but had no interest in partnering with Osama bin Laden.[24]

Trial

Aziz was set to appear before the Iraqi High Tribunal set up by the Iraq Interim Government, but not until April 2008 was he brought up on any charges.[10] This changed when, on 29 April 2008, Aziz went on trial over the deaths of a group of 42 merchants who were executed by the Iraqi regime in 1992, after the merchants had been charged by the Iraqi regime with manipulating food prices when Iraq was under international sanctions.[25] The charges brought against Aziz were reported by The Independent to be “surprising” as the deaths of the 42 merchants had always previously been attributed to Saddam Hussein.[26] Nevertheless, on 11 March 2009 the Iraqi High Tribunal ruled that Aziz was guilty of crimes against humanity, and he was sentenced to 15 years in prison.[27] On 2 August 2009, Aziz was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of helping to plan the forced displacement of Kurds from northeastern Iraq and sentenced to seven years in jail.[28]After these judgments had been passed, the BBC News published an article stating that, “there was no evidence that a Western court would regard as compelling that he had anything like final responsibility for the carrying out of the executions” of the 42 merchants and “there was no real evidence of his personal involvement and guilt” with regards to the displacement of Kurds.[29] That same year, he was acquitted in a separate trial which concerned the suppression of an uprising in Baghdad during the 1990s.[27]
On 26 October 2010, the Iraqi High Tribunal handed down a death sentence against Aziz for the offense of “persecution of Islamic parties,”[30] amongst them the serving Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki‘s Islamic Dawa Party, following a crackdown on a Shia uprising after the 1991 Gulf War.[21] The Associated Press reports that “the judge gave no details of Aziz’s specific role” in the crackdown.[31] His lawyer stated that Tariq Aziz’s role in the former Iraqi government was in the arena of “Iraq’s diplomatic and political relations only, and had nothing to do with the executions and purges carried during Hussein’s reign.”[32] His lawyer further stated that the death sentence itself was politically motivated and that timing of the death sentence may have been aimed at diverting international attention away from documents released by WikiLeaks, which detailed crimes in which Maliki government officials have been implicated.[33] His lawyers have 30 days to lodge an appeal, following which the court would have another 30 days to look into the appeal; if the appeal is turned down the sentence would be carried out after another 30 days.[33] On 26 October 2010 the Vatican urged the Iraqi government not to carry out his execution,[31] and European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton stated that Aziz’s execution would be “unacceptable and the EU will seek to commute his sentence.”[34] That same day, the human rights organization Amnesty International issued a statement condemning the use of the death penalty in this case, as well as for the cases of two other former Iraqi officials; the statement also expressed concern regarding the manner in which trials may have been conducted by the Iraqi High Tribunal.[35] On 27 October 2010, Greek President Karolos Papoulias and the Russian Foreign Ministry both released statements urging the Iraqi government not to carry out the death penalty against Tariq Aziz.[36][37] Also on 27 October 2010, a spokesperson for United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was reported to have “stressed that the UN is against the death sentence and in this case, as in all others, it is calling for the verdict to be cancelled.”[38] On 28 October 2010, it was reported that Iraqi Bishops and ordinary Iraqis also condemned the death penalty for Tariq Aziz.[39] Furthermore, according to the Wall Street Journal, “several international human-rights groups have criticised the procedures and questioned the impartiality of the court.”[40]
According to AFP, his family had stated that Tariq Aziz, along with 25 fellow inmates, has been on a hunger strike following the sentence to protest the denial of their once-monthly visits with family and friends, but an Iraqi court official has denied this.[41] According to AFP, Aziz and the other prisoners were “still at the site of the court in Baghdad’s Green Zone and had not been transferred back to prison where they could have received their monthly visit.”
On 17 November 2010, it was reported that Iraqi President Jalal Talabani had declared that he would not sign Aziz’s execution order. However, there is still a possibility that the execution will be carried out anyway.[6]
According to press reports on 29 November 2010, Tariq Aziz will probably not be executed. He was accused of only minimal involvement in connection with atrocities committed against Kurdish people during the Iraq-Iran War and received a 10-year prison sentence from an Iraqi court in addition to previous convictions.[42]
On 5 December 2011, Saad Yousif al-Muttalibi, an adviser to the Prime Minister, indicated that the execution of Aziz would “definitely take place” after the withdrawal of American forces.[43]
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Saddam Hussein

English: Image from Iraqi state television. Re...
  

Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (Arabicصدام حسين عبد المجيد التكريتي Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[1] 28 April 1937[2] – 30 December 2006)[3] was the fifth President of Iraq, serving in this capacity from 16 July 1979 until 9 April 2003.[4][5] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba’ath Party and its regional organisation Ba’ath Party – Iraq Region—which espoused ba’athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power in Iraq.
As vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, and at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he tightly controlled conflict between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and other industries. The state-owned banks were put under his control, leaving the system eventually insolvent mostly due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Persian Gulf War, and UN sanctions.[6] Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatuses of government as oil money helped Iraq’s economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunnis, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.
Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, though he had been the de facto head of Iraq for several years prior (see Succession). He suppressed several movements, particularly Shi’a and Kurdish movements seeking to overthrow the government or gain independence, respectively,[7] and maintained power during the Iran–Iraq War of 1980 through 1988. In 1990 he ordered the invasion of Kuwait, leading to the Gulf War of 1991. Whereas some[who?]venerated him for his opposition to Israel– which included the use of military force[8]–he was widely condemned in the west for the brutality of his dictatorship.
In March 2003, a coalition led by the U.S. and U.K. invaded Iraq to depose Saddam, after U.S. President George W. Bush and British Prime MinisterTony Blair accused him of possessing weapons of mass destruction and having ties to al-Qaeda. Saddam’s Ba’ath party was disbanded and Iraq made a transition to a democratic system. Following his capture on 13 December 2003, the trial of Saddam took place under the Iraqi interim government. On 5 November 2006, Saddam was convicted of charges related to the 1982 killing of 148 Iraqi Shi’ites and was sentenced to death byhangingHis execution was carried out on 30 December 2006.[9]

Youth

Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti was born in the town of Al-Awja, 13 km (8 mi) from the Iraqi town of Tikrit, to a family of shepherds from the al-Begat tribal group, a sub-group of the Al-Bu Nasir (البو ناصر) tribe. His mother, Subha Tulfah al-Mussallat, named her newborn son Saddam, which inArabic means “One who confronts”; he is always referred to by this personal name, which may be followed by the patronymic and other elements. He never knew his father, Hussein ‘Abid al-Majid, who disappeared six months before Saddam was born. Shortly afterward, Saddam’s 13-year-old brother died of cancer. The infant Saddam was sent to the family of his maternal uncle Khairallah Talfah until he was three.[10]
His mother remarried, and Saddam gained three half-brothers through this marriage. His stepfather, Ibrahim al-Hassan, treated Saddam harshly after his return. At about age 10, Saddam fled the family and returned to live in Baghdad with his uncle Kharaillah Tulfah. Tulfah, the father of Saddam’s future wife, was a devout Sunni Muslim and a veteran from the 1941 Anglo-Iraqi War between Iraqi nationalists and the United Kingdom, which remained a major colonial power in the region.[11]
Later in his life relatives from his native Tikrit became some of his closest advisors and supporters. Under the guidance of his uncle he attended a nationalistic high school in Baghdad. After secondary school Saddam studied at an Iraqi law school for three years, dropping out in 1957 at the age of 20 to join the revolutionary pan-Arab Ba’ath Party, of which his uncle was a supporter. During this time, Saddam apparently supported himself as a secondary school teacheOf the 16 members of Qasim’s cabinet, 12 were Ba’ath Party members; however, the party turned against Qasim due to his refusal to join Gamel Abdel Nasser‘s United Arab Republic.[15] To strengthen his own position within the government, Qasim created an alliance with the Iraqi Communist Party, which was opposed to any notion of pan-Arabism.[16] Later that year, the Ba’ath Party leadership was planning to assassinate Qasim. Saddam was a leading member of the operation. At the time, the Ba’ath Party was more of an ideological experiment than a strong anti-government fighting machine. The majority of its members were either educated professionals or students, and Saddam fit the bill.[17] The choice of Saddam was, according to historian Con Coughlin, “hardly surprising”. The idea of assassinating Qasim may have been Nasser’s, and there is speculation that some of those who participated in the operation received training in Damascus, which was then part of the UAR.[18]
The assassins planned to ambush Qasim at Al-Rashid Street on 7 October 1959: one man was to kill those sitting at the back of the car, the rest killing those in front. During the ambush it is claimed that Saddam began shooting prematurely, which disorganised the whole operation. Qasim’s chauffeur was killed, and Qasim was hit in the arm and shoulder. The assassins believed they had killed him and quickly retreated to their headquarters, but Qasim survived. At the time of the attack the Ba’ath Party had less than 1,000 members.[19]
Some of the plotters quickly managed to leave the country for Syria, the spiritual home of Ba’athist ideology. There Saddam was given full-membership in the party by Michel Aflaq.[20] Some members of the operation were arrested and taken into custody by the Iraqi government. At theshow trial, six of the defendants were given the death sentence; for unknown reasons the sentences were not carried out. Aflaq, the leader of the Ba’athist movement, organised the expulsion of leading Iraqi Ba’athist members, such as Fuad al-Rikabi, on the grounds that the party should not have initiated the attempt on Qasim’s life. At the same time, Aflaq managed to secure seats in the Iraqi Ba’ath leadership for his supporters, one them being Saddam.[21] Saddam fled to Egypt in 1959, and he continued to live there until 1963.
Many foreign countries opposed Qasim, particularly after he threatened to invade Kuwait. In February 1960, the CIA created an unrelated plan to oust Qasim by giving him a poisoned handkerchief, although it may have been aborted.[22]
Army officers with ties to the Ba’ath Party overthrew Qasim in the Ramadan Revolution coup of 1963. Ba’athist leaders were appointed to the cabinet and Abdul Salam Arif became president. The governments of the United States and United Kingdom were complicit in the coup.[23] Arif dismissed and arrested the Ba’athist leaders later that year in the November 1963 Iraqi coup d’état.
Arif died in a plane crash in 1966, in what may have been an act of sabotage by Ba’athist elements in the Iraqi military.[24] Abdul Rahman al-Bazzazbecame acting president for three days, and a power struggle for the presidency occurred. In the first meeting of the Defense Council and cabinet to elect a president, Al-Bazzaz needed a two-thirds majority to win the presidency. Al-Bazzaz was unsuccessful, and Abdul Rahman Arif was elected president. He was viewed by army officers as weaker and easier to manipulate than his brother.[25]
Saddam returned to Iraq, but was imprisoned in 1964. In 1966, Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr appointed him Deputy Secretary of the Regional Command. Saddam escaped from prison in 1967. Saddam, who would prove to be a skilled organiser, revitalised the party.[26] He was elected to the Regional Command, as the story goes, with help from Michel Aflaq—the founder of Ba’athist thought.[27]
In 1968, Saddam participated in a bloodless coup led by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr that overthrew Abdul Rahman Arif. Saddam and Saleh Omar al-Ali contacted Ba’athists in the military and helped lead them on the ground.[28] Arif was given refuge in London and then Istanbul.[24] Al-Bakr was named president and Saddam was named his deputy, and deputy chairman of the Ba’athistRevolutionary Command Council. According to biographers, Saddam never forgot the tensions within the first Ba’athist government, which formed the basis for his measures to promote Ba’ath party unity as well as his resolve to maintain power and programs to ensure social stability. Although Saddam was al-Bakr’s deputy, he was a strong behind-the-scenes party politician. Al-Bakr was the older and more prestigious of the two, but by 1969 Hussein clearly had become the moving force behind the party.

Succession

In 1976, Saddam rose to the position of general in the Iraqi armed forces, and rapidly became the strongman of the government. As the ailing, elderly al-Bakr became unable to execute his duties, Saddam took on an increasingly prominent role as the face of the government both internally and externally. He soon became the architect of Iraq’s foreign policy and represented the nation in all diplomatic situations. He was the de facto leader of Iraq some years before he formally came to power in 1979. He slowly began to consolidate his power over Iraq’s government and the Ba’ath party. Relationships with fellow party members were carefully cultivated, and Saddam soon accumulated a powerful circle of support within the party.
In 1979 al-Bakr started to make treaties with Syria, also under Ba’athist leadership, that would lead to unification between the two countries. Syrian President Hafez al-Assad would become deputy leader in a union, and this would drive Saddam to obscurity. Saddam acted to secure his grip on power. He forced the ailing al-Bakr to resign on 16 July 1979, and formally assumed the presidency.
Shortly afterwards, he convened an assembly of Ba’ath party leaders on 22 July 1979. During the assembly, which he ordered videotaped (viewable via this reference[35]), Saddam claimed to have found a fifth column within the Ba’ath Party and directed Muhyi Abdel-Hussein to read out a confession and the names of 68 alleged co-conspirators. These members were labelled “disloyal” and were removed from the room one by one and taken into custody. After the list was read, Saddam congratulated those still seated in the room for their past and future loyalty. The 68 people arrested at the meeting were subsequently tried together and found guilty of treason. 22 were sentenced to execution. Other high-ranking members of the party formed the firing squad. By 1 August 1979, hundreds of high-ranking Ba’ath party members had been executed.[36][37]

Political repression

Iraqi society is divided along lines of language, religion and ethnicity; Saddam’s government rested on the support of the 20% minority of Sunnis. The Ba’ath Party was increasingly concerned about potential Shi’a Islamist influence following the Iranian Revolution of 1979. The Kurds of northern Iraq (who are Sunni, but not Arabs) were also permanently hostile to the Ba’athist party’s pan-Arabism. To maintain power Saddam tended either to provide them with benefits so as to co-opt them into the regime, or to take repressive measures against them.[41]
The major instruments for accomplishing this control were the paramilitary and police organizations. Beginning in 1974, Taha Yassin Ramadan (himself a Kurd Ba’athist), a close associate of Saddam, commanded the People’s Army, which was responsible for internal security. As the Ba’ath Party’s paramilitary, the People’s Army acted as a counterweight against any coup attempts by the regular armed forces. In addition to the People’s Army, the Department of General Intelligence (Mukhabarat) was the most notorious arm of the state security system, feared for its use of torture and assassination. It was commanded by Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti, Saddam’s younger half-brother. Since 1982, foreign observers believed that this department operated both at home and abroad in their mission to seek out and eliminate Saddam’s perceived opponents.[41]
Saddam was notable for terror against his own people. The Economist described Saddam as “one of the last of the 20th century’s great dictators, but not the least in terms of egotism, or cruelty, or morbid will to power”.[33] Saddam’s regime was responsible for the deaths of at least 250,000 Iraqis[42] and committed war crimes in Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch andAmnesty International issued regular reports of widespread imprisonment and torture.

Personality cult

As a sign of his consolidation of power, Saddam’s personality cult pervaded Iraqi society. He had thousands of portraits, posters, statues and murals erected in his honor all over Iraq. His face could be seen on the sides of office buildings, schools, airports, and shops, as well as on Iraqi currency. Saddam’s personality cult reflected his efforts to appeal to the various elements in Iraqi society. This was seen in his variety of apparel: he appeared in the costumes of the Bedouin, the traditional clothes of the Iraqi peasant (which he essentially wore during his childhood), and evenKurdish clothing, but also appeared in Western suits fitted by his favorite tailor, projecting the image of an urbane and modern leader. Sometimes he would also be portrayed as a devout Muslim, wearing full headdress and robe, praying toward Mecca.
He also conducted two show elections, in 1995 and in 2002. In the 1995 referendum, conducted on 15 October, he reportedly received 99.96% of the votes in a 99.47% turnout, getting only 3052 negative votes among an electorate of 8.4 million.[43][44] In the October 15, 2002 referendum he officially achieved 100% of approval votes and 100% turnout, as the electoral commission reported the next day that every one of the 11,445,638 eligible voters cast a “Yes” vote for the president.[45]
He erected statues around the country, which Iraqis toppled after his fall.[46]

Gulf War

On 2 August 1990, Saddam invaded Kuwait, initially claiming assistance to “Kuwaiti revolutionaries,” thus sparking an international crisis. On 4 August an Iraqi-backed “Provisional Government of Free Kuwait” was proclaimed, but a total lack of legitimacy and support for it led to an 8 August announcement of a “merger” of the two countries. On 28 August Kuwait formally became the 19thGovernorate of Iraq. Just two years after the 1988 Iraq and Iran truce, “Saddam Hussein did what his Gulf patrons had earlier paid him to prevent.” Having removed the threat of Iranian fundamentalism he “overran Kuwait and confronted his Gulf neighbors in the name of Arab nationalism and Islam.”[54]
When later asked why he invaded Kuwait, Saddam first claimed that it was because Kuwait was rightfully Iraq’s 19th province and then said “When I get something into my head I act. That’s just the way I am.”[33] After Saddam’s seizure of Kuwait in August 1990, a UN coalition led by the United States drove Iraq’s troops from Kuwait in February 1991. The ability for Saddam Hussein to pursue such military aggression was from a “military machine paid for in large part by the tens of billions of dollars Kuwait and the Gulf states had poured into Iraq and the weapons and technology provided by the Soviet Union, Germany, and France.”[54]
Shortly before he invaded Kuwait, he shipped 100 new Mercedes 200 Series cars to top editors in Egypt and Jordan. Two days before the first attacks, Saddam reportedly offered Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak 50 million dollars in cash, “ostensibly for grain”.[69]
U.S. President George H. W. Bush responded cautiously for the first several days. On one hand, Kuwait, prior to this point, had been a virulent enemy of Israel and was the Persian Gulf monarchy that had had the most friendly relations with the Soviets.[70] On the other hand, Washington foreign policymakers, along with Middle East experts, military critics, and firms heavily invested in the region, were extremely concerned with stability in this region.[71] The invasion immediately triggered fears that the world’s price of oil, and therefore control of the world economy, was at stake. Britain profited heavily from billions of dollars of Kuwaiti investments and bank deposits. Bush was perhaps swayed while meeting with British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, who happened to be in the U.S. at the time.[72]
Cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union made possible the passage of resolutions in the United Nations Security Council giving Iraq a deadline to leave Kuwait and approving the use of force if Saddam did not comply with the timetable. U.S. officials feared Iraqi retaliation against oil-rich Saudi Arabia, since the 1940s a close ally of Washington, for the Saudis’ opposition to the invasion of Kuwait. Accordingly, the U.S. and a group of allies, including countries as diverse as Egypt, Syria and Czechoslovakia, deployed a massive amount of troops along the Saudi border with Kuwait and Iraq in order to encircle the Iraqi army, the largest in the Middle East.
Saddam’s officers looted Kuwait, stripping even the marble from its palaces to move it to Saddam’s own palace.[6]
During the period of negotiations and threats following the invasion, Saddam focused renewed attention on the Palestinian problem by promising to withdraw his forces from Kuwait if Israel would relinquish the occupied territories in the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and the Gaza Strip. Saddam’s proposal further split the Arab world, pitting U.S.- and Western-supported Arab states against the Palestinians. The allies ultimately rejected any linkage between the Kuwait crisis and Palestinian issues.
Saddam ignored the Security Council deadline. Backed by the Security Council, a U.S.-led coalition launched round-the-clock missile and aerial attacks on Iraq, beginning 16 January 1991. Israel, though subjected to attack by Iraqi missiles, refrained from retaliating in order not to provoke Arab states into leaving the coalition. A ground force consisting largely of U.S. and British armoured and infantry divisions ejected Saddam’s army from Kuwait in February 1991 and occupied the southern portion of Iraq as far as the Euphrates.
On 6 March 1991, Bush announced:
What is at stake is more than one small country, it is a big idea — a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law.
In the end, the over-manned and under-equipped Iraqi army proved unable to compete on the battlefield with the highly mobile coalition land forces and their overpowering air support. Some 175,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner and casualties were estimated at over 85,000. As part of the cease-fire agreement, Iraq agreed to scrap all poison gas and germ weapons and allow UN observers to inspect the sites. UN trade sanctions would remain in effect until Iraq complied with all terms. Saddam publicly claimed victory at the end of the war.

Postwar period

Iraq’s ethnic and religious divisions, together with the brutality of the conflict that this had engendered, laid the groundwork for postwar rebellions. In the aftermath of the fighting, social and ethnic unrest among Shi’ite Muslims, Kurds, and dissident military units threatened the stability of Saddam’s government. Uprisings erupted in the Kurdish north and Shi’a southern and central parts of Iraq, but were ruthlessly repressed.
The United States, which had urged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam, did nothing to assist the rebellions. The Iranians, despite the widespread Shi’ite rebellions, had no interest in provoking another war, while Turkey opposed any prospect of Kurdish independence, and the Saudis and other conservative Arab states feared an Iran-style Shi’ite revolution. Saddam, having survived the immediate crisis in the wake of defeat, was left firmly in control of Iraq, although the country never recovered either economically or militarily from the Gulf War.[54]
Saddam routinely cited his survival as “proof” that Iraq had in fact won the war against the U.S. This message earned Saddam a great deal of popularity in many sectors of the Arab world. John Esposito, however, claims that “Arabs and Muslims were pulled in two directions. That they rallied not so much to Saddam Hussein as to the bipolar nature of the confrontation (the West versus the Arab Muslim world) and the issues that Saddam proclaimed: Arab unity, self-sufficiency, and social justice.” As a result, Saddam Hussein appealed to many people for the same reasons that attracted more and more followers to Islamic revivalism and also for the same reasons that fueled anti-Western feelings.”[54]
As one U.S. Muslim observer noted: People forgot about Saddam’s record and concentrated on America … Saddam Hussein might be wrong, but it is not America who should correct him.” A shift was, therefore, clearly visible among many Islamic movements in the post war period “from an initial Islamic ideological rejection of Saddam Hussein, the secular persecutor of Islamic movements, and his invasion of Kuwait to a more populist Arab nationalist, anti-imperialist support for Saddam (or more precisely those issues he represented or championed) and the condemnation of foreign intervention and occupation.”[54]
Saddam, therefore, increasingly portrayed himself as a devout Muslim, in an effort to co-opt the conservative religious segments of society. Some elements of Sharia law were re-introduced, and the ritual phrase “Allahu Akbar” (“God is great”), in Saddam’s handwriting, was added to the national flag. Saddam also commissioned the production of a “Blood Qur’an“, written using 27 litres of his own blood, to thank God for saving him from various dangers and conspiracies.[73]
Relations between the United States and Iraq remained tense following the Gulf War. The U.S. launched a missile attack aimed at Iraq’s intelligence headquarters in Baghdad 26 June 1993, citing evidence of repeated Iraqi violations of the “no fly zones” imposed after the Gulf War and for incursions into Kuwait.
The United Nations sanctions placed upon Iraq when it invaded Kuwait were not lifted, blocking Iraqi oil exports. During the late 1990s, the U.N. considered relaxing the sanctions imposed because of the hardships suffered by ordinary Iraqis. Studies dispute the number of people who died in south and central Iraq during the years of the sanctions.[74][75][76] On 9 December 1996, Saddam’s government finally accepted the Oil-for-Food Programme that the UN had first offered in 1992.
U.S. officials continued to accuse Saddam of violating the terms of the Gulf War’s cease fire, by developing weapons of mass destruction and other banned weaponry, and violating the UN-imposed sanctions. Also during the 1990s, President Bill Clinton maintained sanctions and ordered air strikes in the “Iraqi no-fly zones” (Operation Desert Fox), in the hope that Saddam would be overthrown by political enemies inside Iraq. Western charges of Iraqi resistance to UN access to suspected weapons were the pretext for crises between 1997 and 1998, culminating in intensive U.S. and British missile strikes on Iraq, 16–19 December 1998. After two years of intermittent activity, U.S. and British warplanes struck harder at sites near Baghdad in February 2001.
Saddam’s support base of Tikriti tribesmen, family members, and other supporters was divided after the war, and in the following years, contributing to the government’s increasingly repressive and arbitrary nature. Domestic repression inside Iraq grew worse, and Saddam’s sons, Uday and Qusay Hussein, became increasingly powerful and carried out a private reign of terror.
Iraqi co-operation with UN weapons inspection teams was intermittent throughout the 1990s.
Saddam continued involvement in politics abroad. Video tapes retrieved after show his intelligence chiefs meeting with Arab journalists, including a meeting with the former managing director of Al-Jazeera, Mohammed Jassem al-Ali, in 2000. In the video Saddam’s son Uday advised al-Ali about hires in Al-Jazeera: “During your last visit here along with your colleagues we talked about a number of issues, and it does appear that you indeed were listening to what I was saying since changes took place and new faces came on board such as that lad, Mansour.” He was later sacked by Al-Jazeera.[77]
In 2002 Austrian prosecutors investigated Saddam government’s transactions with Fritz Edlinger that possibly violated Austrian money laundering and embargo regulations.[78] Fritz Edlinger, president of the General Secretary of the Society for Austro-Arab relations (GÖAB) and a former member of Socialist International‘s Middle East Committee, was an outspoken supporter of Saddam Hussein. In 2005 an Austrian journalist revealed that Fritz Edlinger’s GÖAB had received $100,000 from an Iraqi front company as well as donations from Austrian companies soliciting business in Iraq.[79]
In 2002, a resolution sponsored by the European Union was adopted by the Commission for Human Rights, which stated that there had been no improvement in the human rights crisis in Iraq. The statement condemned President Saddam Hussein’s government for its “systematic, widespread and extremely grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law“. The resolution demanded that Iraq immediately put an end to its “summary and arbitrary executions … the use of rape as a political tool and all enforced and involuntary disappearances”.[80]

Execution

Saddam was hanged on the first day of Eid ul-Adha, 30 December 2006, despite his wish to be shot (which he felt would be more dignified).[101]The execution was carried out at Camp Justice, an Iraqi army base in Kadhimiya, a neighborhood of northeast Baghdad.
The execution was videotaped on a mobile phone and his captors could be heard insulting Saddam. The video was leaked to electronic media and posted on the Internet within hours, becoming the subject of global controversy.[102] It was later claimed by the head guard at the tomb where his body remains that Saddam’s body was stabbed six times after the execution.[103]

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Hans Martin Blix

Hans Blix (pictured above) spoke of his relati...
Hans Martin Blix (About this sound listen; born 28 June 1928) is a Swedish diplomat and politician for the Liberal People’s Party. He was Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs (1978–1979) and later became the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency. As such, Blix was the first Western representative to inspect the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster in the Soviet Union on site, and lead the agency response to them. Blix was also the head of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission from March 2000 to June 2003, when he was succeeded byDimitris Perrikos. In 2002, the commission began searching Iraq for weapons of mass destruction, ultimately finding none. In February 2010, the Government of the United Arab Emirates announced that Blix will be the head of an advisory board for its nuclear power program.

Early life and career

Blix was born in Uppsala, Sweden. He is the son of professor Gunnar Blix and Hertha Wiberg and grandson of professor Magnus Blix. He comes from a family of Jamtlandic origin. Blix studied at Uppsala University and Columbia University, earning his PhD from the University of Cambridge (Trinity Hall).[1] In 1959, he earned a Juris Doctor in International Law at Stockholm University, where he was appointed Associate Professor in International Law the next year.[2]
Between 1962 and 1978 Blix was a member of the Swedish delegation at the Disarmament Conference in Geneva. He held several other positions in the Swedish administration between 1963 and 1976, and from 1961 to 1981 served on the Swedish delegation to the United Nations. From 1978 to 1979, Blix was the Swedish Foreign Minister.
Blix chaired the Swedish Liberal Party‘s campaign during the 1980 referendum on nuclear power, campaigning in favor of retention of the Swedish nuclear energy program.

Head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (1981–1997)

Blix became Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency between 1981 and 1997 after Sigvard Eklund.
Blix personally made repeated inspection visits to the Iraqi nuclear reactor Osiraq before its attempted destruction by the Iranians, in 1980, and its eventual destruction by the Israeli Air Force in 1981 during Operation Opera. Although most agreed that Iraq was years away from being able to build a nuclear weapon, the Iranians and the Israelis felt any raid must occur well before nuclear fuel was loaded to prevent nuclear fallout. The attack was regarded as being in breach of the United Nations Charter (S/RES/487) and international law and was widely condemned. Iraq was alternately praised and admonished by the IAEA for its cooperation and lack thereof. It was only after the first Gulf War that the full extent of Iraq’s nuclear programs, which had switched from aplutonium based weapon design to a highly enriched uranium design after the destruction of Osiraq, became known.
Another significant event during his time as head of the IAEA was the Chernobyl disaster on 26 April 1986, a nuclear accident rated at the highest level 7 on the IAEA’s International Nuclear Event Scale.

Iraq disarmament ‘crisis’ (2002–2003)

During the Iraq disarmament crisis before the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Blix was called back from retirement by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to lead United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission in charge of monitoring Iraq. Kofi Annan originally recommended Rolf Ekéus, who worked with UNSCOM in the past, but both Russia and France vetoed his appointment.
Hans Blix personally admonished Saddam for “cat and mouse” games[3] and warned Iraq of “serious consequences” if it attempted to hinder or delay his mission.[4]
In his report to the UN Security Council on 14 February 2003, Blix claimed that “If Iraq had provided the necessary cooperation in 1991, the phase of disarmament – under resolution 687 – could have been short and a decade of sanctions could have been avoided.”[5]
Blix’s statements about the Iraq WMD program came to contradict the claims of the George W. Bush administration,[6] and attracted a great deal of criticism from supporters of the invasion of Iraq. In an interview on BBC 1 on 8 February 2004, Dr. Blix accused the US and British governments of dramatising the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, in order to strengthen the case for the 2003 war against the regime of Saddam Hussein. Ultimately, no stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction were ever found.[7]
In an interview with London’s The Guardian newspaper, Hans Blix said, “I have my detractors in Washington. There are bastards who spread things around, of course, who planted nasty things in the media”.[8]
In 2004, Blix published a book, Disarming Iraq, where he gives his account of the events and inspections before the coalition began its invasion.
Blix said he suspected his home and office were bugged by the United States, while he led teams searching for Saddam Hussein’s supposed weapons of mass destruction.[9] Although these suspicions were never directly substantiated, evidence of bugging of UN security council representatives around the time the US was seeking approval from the council came to light after a British government translator leaked a document “allegedly from an American National Security Agency” requesting that British intelligence put wiretaps on delegates to the UN security council.[10]

Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission

Since 2003 Blix has been chairman of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission (WMDC), an independent body funded by the Swedish government and based in Stockholm.[11]

In December 2006, the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission said in a report that Pakistan‘s infamous and controversial scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan could not have acted alone or “without the awareness of the Pakistan Government.[12]

Humanitarian initiatives

In 2009 joined the project “Soldiers of Peace”, a movie against all wars and for a global peace.[13][14]

Head of Advisory Board for United Arab Emirates Nuclear Program

Blix will chair a panel of advisors who will oversee the establishment of the UAE’s Dh150 billion atomic energy programme. He will lead the nine-person board, which will meet twice a year. The International Advisory Board (IAB) will oversee progress of the nation’s nuclear energy plan and issue reports on potential improvements to the scheme. The IAB is expected to hold its first meeting later this month[when?] and will include other distinguished nuclear experts, such as Lady Barbara Judge, the chairman of the UK Atomic Energy Authority.

Honours

Cultural references

  • Hans Blix is parodied in Team America: World Police, where he is fed to nurse sharks by Kim Jong-il, Dictator of North Korea, after threatening him with making an unfavourable report.
  • Hans Blix appeared in the documentaries The World According to Bush [4] and Europe & USA: Behind the Scenes of a Political Rupture[5]

Bibliography

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